Old Man Trump

My friend Kit O’Connell pointed this out to me.   The Youtube version is here.

Someone should probably update it.  Alas, I don’t think we can count on Arlo doing it.

 

I suppose that Old Man Trump knows just how much racial hate
He stirred up in that bloodpot of human hearts
When he drawed that color line
Here at his Beach Haven family project

Beach Haven ain’t my home!
No, I just can’t pay this rent!
My money’s down the drain,
And my soul is badly bent!
Beach Haven is Trump’s Tower
Where no black folks come to roam,
No, no, Old Man Trump!
Old Beach Haven ain’t my home!

I’m calling out my welcome to you and your man both
Welcoming you here to Beach Haven
To love in any way you please and to have some kind of a decent place
To have your kids raised up in.

Beach Haven ain’t my home!
No, I just can’t pay this rent!
My money’s down the drain,
And my soul is badly bent!
Beach Haven is Trump’s Tower
Where no black folks come to roam,
No, no, Old Man Trump!
Old Beach Haven ain’t my home!

Election Post: Wouldn’t It Be Stupid…

Wouldn’t it be stupid to expect the same “rust belt” workers and rural white poor who helped elect Trump to turn around and defend immigrants, reproductive rights for women, freedom of affectional preference, and racial equality?

No. It wouldn’t be stupid at all. It would be, in fact, entirely reasonable and practical.

As a side note, I do not agree with those who simply say that everyone who voted for Trump is, ipso facto, a bigot; it is absurd as to say that everyone who voted for Secretary Clinton is a servant of Goldman-Sachs and supports war crimes.  And you know all of those who kept saying things like, “Prove to me Trump is a racist!”?  Well, our first thought is a quite reasonable, “If you really don’t think Trump is a hardened bigot, you are so far in denial there’s no point in talking about it,” but our second thought ought to be to realize that the denial, absurd as it is, is a testimony to the fact that even they think racism is a bad thing and should be denied.

However, let’s skip over that argument and get to something that is, in my opinion, more significant:

Where do you begin your analysis, with what is in someone’s head, or with the search for objective truth? Do you see ideas as the primary focus, so your first catagorization is “liberal” “conservative” “Clinton supporter” “Trump supporter” “racist” “sexist” and so on? Or, on the other hand, do you begin with objective social relations, regardless of an individual’s opinion: wage-worker, poor, capitalist, petty-bourgeois? I beg to submit for your consideration the following two propositions:

1. The objective is superior to the subjective.
2. The actual, objective interests of “rust belt” workers and the rural poor are exactly the same as their class brothers and sisters, and it is in their objective interests, however many of them do or do not agree at any given moment, for there to be racial equality, freedom of affectional preference, reproductive rights for women, and freedom of movement for everyone.

The media is a powerful force, no question: and the barrage of propaganda insisting  that racial and sexual lines are what really divide the country, must not be under-estimated. It has an influence, and we have seen the results in the presidential election. To combat these ideas, to argue for what is objectively true, is not easy. It takes work. But the work is made easier by the understanding that you’re right, that truth is on your side.

I believe that it is vital to build socialist consciousness among the working class, to build a revolutionary party for the overthrow of capitalism; this is why I support the Socialist Equality Party. But many of you don’t agree, at least yet, that this is a practical possibility. So, okay, baby steps: If you can recognize at least two fundamental truths, it is enough to start working:

1. The class that produces all the wealth has a common interest against the class that appropriates the wealth the toilers produce.

2. The class that produces all the wealth must be politically independent from the parties that represent and work in the interests of the exploiters.

If we can just get that far, we can start to unite into a force that would make Donald Trump tremble. Until we do, we cannot hope to defend ourselves.

Hillary Clinton’s competence

I keep seeing memes insisting, “Hillary is competent.” I do not question her competence. But you ought to be aware that, when you make competence the issue, you are simply accepting that what is most important about domestic spying, bombing civilians in Syria, persecution of whistle-blowers, drone murders of non-combatants, police violence, income disparity, “regime change,” poisoned drinking water, mass deportations, unemployment, under employment, inaction on climate change, continued Wall Street criminality, and lack of health care, is that we have someone competent to continue them.

It says, in a word, “The stuff going on is fine, we just need someone competent to carry it out.” I have a problem with this thinking, and I wonder if some people have thought it through.

I do not doubt that Secretary Clinton will do a better job of provoking Russia and China, and leading us toward world war, than Mr. Trump. I do not consider this a good reason to vote for either of them.

Rant: An assumption that damages the most vulnerable new artists

I saw the following two tweets go by yesterday:

If a marginalized group criticizes a problematic book, you should be listening. You should believe them and actively work not to undermine.

and

If you aren’t a member of a marginalized group, you can’t decide what they find problematic. Period. When they say something is, listen.

The term “marginalized group” is the first problem. Can we please be careful? Yes, indeed, there are groups who are in many important ways stuck in the margins of U.S. society in general and fantasy fiction in particular, and this hurts both them and the field as a whole, which means it hurts me because I like reading good stuff.  But when an unemployed black auto-worker in Flint, who is having his heating and electrical cut off while his kids are drinking poisoned water, is put into the same group as President Obama, who is arguably the most powerful individual in the world, then we may need to consider exactly how we’re grouping people, don’t you think?

Another issue is the supreme, colossal arrogance of saying, “If a marginalized group criticizes…” as if the entire group got together to attack a book.  You’re saying, “As a member of this group, I am speaking for all members of this group.”  Was there an election or something?  I still remember how furious I was when, about 20 years ago, a certain now-deceased Jewish writer objected to a certain book, claiming it was antisemitic.  As it happens, I thought the main character was, and the book was not, but that is a subject we could disagree about.  I did not object to his opinion, but the way he expressed it made it sound as if he were speaking for all Jews, and it was insulting to have someone I disagreed with claiming to express my opinion.  And, no, you don’t get to just assume that, “People in my group who differ with me are complicit in their own oppression.”  You can make the case, but when you make the assumption you are being offensive, dismissive, and pompous.

But the big problem, and the reason for this rant, is the belief that somehow criticism that focuses on certain issues is subject to different and special rules: if some random person says of a book, “it was boring,” or, “it was predictable,” or, “I didn’t care about the characters,” most writers know enough, or should know enough, not to listen unless it comes from one of those she or he relies on for judgment: editors, beta readers, trusted friends, and so on.  Being told, “I was bothered because there were no members of this group,” or, “I was bothered bothered by your depiction of this group,” is absolutely no different.  Writers need to find those whose judgment they trust, listen to them, and ignore everyone else.  Of course, these are valid subjects, and anyone reviewing the work or discussing it has a right and even a duty to mention anything he or she sees as a problem.  But expecting—demanding—the writer pay special attention to this sort of criticism, or, as the tweet says, “you should be listening…when they say something, listen” is going to inhibit, stifle, and maybe even kill the work of the most insecure new writers. Unfortunately, there is no relationship that I’ve found between the power of a new writer’s voice, and the self-confidence of that writer.  By filling social media with this sort of insistence, you are hurting new writers, you are hurting art.  You are making our field less vibrant, less exciting, less creative.  Stop it.

 

♪ Feelings, Nothing more than Feelings ♫

There’s an old joke that goes, a psychotic thinks 2+2=5.  A neurotic knows 2+2=4 but he hates it.  My various brain scientist friends can, no doubt, explain what is wrong with the joke, but it does make a certain point: 2+2=4 whether we like it or not.

The first time this sort of thing came up was on another blog, years ago, during a discussion about the religious right, politics, and stuff like that. I am fascinated by the way people’s ideas change in response to broad, social, real-world events, and made a controversial statement that provoked heated discussion. You know, like it does.  Many people took issue with me, and some of them made strong arguments.  What knocked me down, however, was one comment that said, in essence, your position offends me, therefore it is wrong, full stop. I believe my mouth literally dropped open.

Then a month or two ago on my Facebook page, there was a discussion about an issue that, in my opinion, is nothing short of vital: in considering police murder of unarmed workers, poor people, and minorities, do we address it as a human right being denied those who are at risk from the police, or as a privilege granted those who are not?  The different answers reflect different views of the nature of society, of the role of the police, of the mechanisms under the surface, and lead to vastly different methods of struggle.  If we care about police violence, we must consider it.  The discussion, quite properly, expanded to the more general approach of human rights verses privilege discourse.  And then someone said, with the exact air of playing a trump card, “When you tell me that I am being denied basic human rights, you make me feel I am not human.” Just…wow.

It’s happened since then, more than once, especially when I’ve exercised my sense of irony.  That question—irony—ought to come down to, “Are you imposing irony as a means of sneering, or are you exposing the actual irony that exists within the conditions you’re discussing?”  That is the key question.  The former cannot advance our understanding, whereas in the latter case, well, sometimes, to refrain from being ironic would be to distort the circumstances—the irony is right there.  For example, one guy on Facebook is justly outraged by those who respond to police murders by saying, “what about black on black crime?” and yet this same guy cannot hear about Israel’s attacks on Palestinians without saying, “What about those other people who attack Palestinians?  Why don’t you talk about them?”  The irony is there, all I’m doing is pointing it out.  And, more and more lately, the response to this sort of irony (for the record, not from this individual) is:  You must be wrong because your opinion makes me feel bad.

There have been occasions on this blog where it was painfully obvious that the responses were generated by hurt feelings.  For example, my opinion is that ideology has a class basis, and I feel the most important thing we can do when attempting to understand an ideology is to determine what social class it serves.  So, am I surprised when when people are offended by my discussion of petit-bourgeois ideology?  I am not.  Nor am I pleased that they are offended.  But their offense (and my feeling about giving it) is neither here nor there in terms of whether I’m right.  I mean, none of us, I think, set out to hurt anyone’s feelings, and rudeness is usually an indicator of political bankruptcy; but we have to ask: in discussions that are aimed at coming to a better understanding of society with the aim of improving it, just how important, in a given case, are someone’s feelings? I imagine many scientists felt some level of offense and even outrage when Einstein introduced the General Theory of Relativity, thus calling into question a great deal of what they believed. They did not, however, spend much time telling Einstein his ideas were offensive, the burning question was: Was he right?  What can be called a scientific approach in the most general sense, ie, an effort to determine the objective laws that explain social activity, must, in my opinion, be the foundation of any effort to make things better.  Thus I am baffled by statements that boil down to, “I reject your analysis of the social role of the police in capitalist society because it makes me feel bad.”

To be clear, I am not saying, “You are wrong to be offended.”  On the contrary, there are beliefs and opinions that ought to offend us; we’re dealing with politics, which means with human lives, with people being hurt.  But our offense, whether ideological or personal, whether objectively valid or only subjectively, is not an answer to whether something is true or false.  Recently, a politician opined in so many words that there were no significant contributions to technology or culture by anyone except white people.  If that doesn’t offend you, something is wrong with you.  But the offense doesn’t get us very far; when someone collected a list (a long, long list) of the contributions to culture and technology by various Asian, African, Indian, and Middle-Eastern societies, that was a far better answer than the outrage and indignation we felt.

The only explanation I can come up with, is that underneath such attitudes is the idea that we cannot understand; that time spent striving to learn the objective causes of racial oppression, of imperialist war, of police violence, are wasted. We can’t know, we can’t understand, so let’s instead concentrate on what we can understand: our feelings.  To put it another way, if there is no objective reality, just a collection of subjective opinions, than it is reasonable to conclude that feelings take precedent over other considerations.  I reject the notion that there is no objective reality, and, indeed, nearly all of my opinions flow from this rejection.

Or else, maybe, it is simply a massive sense of entitlement that says, “I get to say whatever I want, but no one has the right to make me feel bad.”

I will say this as succinctly as I can: If I or someone else makes an ironic remark that hurts your feelings, then the next question is: is the irony being used to cover up the lack of a thought-out position, or is it exposing irony that truly exists in that situation?  If the former, yes, by all means, call me on it—I’m far from perfect in this regard.  If the latter, then it may be time to reconsider your stand.  If it is not irony, but a political position, and the only reason you don’t agree is because it makes you feel bad, I cannot help but wonder how much you’re involved in social issues in order to improve the world, and how much your agenda stops at feeling good.  And if the latter is really all you care about, well, that makes me feel bad.

The petty-bourgeois intellectuals are introspective by nature. They mistake their own emotions, their uncertainties, their fears and their own egoistic concern about their personal fate for the sentiments and movements of the great masses. They measure the world’s agony by their own inconsequential aches and pains.” — James P. Cannon